impact

The project in Tanzania targeted civil society in the Dodoma region. Most of the population depends on agriculture. The grantee worked with farmers and pastoralists as well as local NGOs, local government officials and community members, to develop more inclusive and responsive development policies, strategies and programmes. The grantee combined awareness raising activities focusing on development programmes to enhance the local population’s engagement in policy dialogue and advocacy with capacity building in development programme process monitoring.

The project was built on the grantee's experience of the most urgent problems of local communities in the Niger Delta, and particularly of women, youth and other vulnerable groups. It aimed to engage with three sets of stakeholders: CSOs at local level in the nine Niger Delta states; representatives of marginalized groups (women, youth and the disabled); and officials from three branches of government. The project’s focus on working with the CSOs and beneficiary groups in strengthening the basis for broader-based citizen participation in the political process was highly relevant to addressing the democratic deficit in a region where there is widespread distrust of the governing authorities and the absence of a belief that the voices of the people will make a difference in decision-making. Despite some limitations overall, the project proved to be effective in building the capacities of its target groups, in enhancing their self-confidence, and in motivating many to take further action. Follow-up activities undertaken by participants included “stepping down” the training to others in their local networks, and organizing advocacy and public awareness initiatives. The project succeeded in contributing to increasing the levels of participation in the public realm by both CSOs and beneficiary groups.

The project general objective was to support the development of good governance in Myanmar through civic education and building advocacy skills of civil society. Activities included civic education trainings and township level meetings to support good governance; organization of core leader meetings; training in how to write policy papers to strengthen policy advocacy; and the creation of a website for civil society to exchange experience and knowledge. All quantifiable targets were reached or surpassed, and the participants interviewed spoke highly of the training. The project implementation team overcame significant bureaucratic and logistical obstacles, as well as difficult operating conditions. The project appears to have had a great deal of positive 'knock-on effects’. Although the training program attracted a large number of participants, participation was dictated by informal networks and affinities. The township-level forum did not succeed in soliciting initiatives and brainstorming on regional/local issues. Likewise, the policy papers exhibited significant weaknesses in particular a lack of readers. The website was also not used as an effective tool for knowledge and information sharing by any of the participants interviewed.

The Electoral Justice Principles for Trust in the Electoral Process project sought to raise the integrity standard of the electoral processes in Africa by addressing the relations between the key electoral justice institutions and their relevance and accessibility to the electorate. Its main objectives were to: produce a set of electoral justice principles drafted by a group of chief justices and senior electoral and political leaders from Africa and other continents; and support the implementation of these principles in two African countries. Its intended outcomes were to increase trust in electoral justice authorities; reduce violence related to electoral dispute settlements, and to have political parties, candidates and civil society organizations (CSOs) in the pilot implementation country able to claim, advocate and defend rights for public integrity consultations. The project undertook minimal consultations with the large and dynamic electoral assistance sector and missed opportunities to tap its experience, explore collaboration and develop synergies with other efforts, such as the Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security that promote the integrity of elections. The norms themselves were not disseminated as planned so awareness of them is extremely limited and they were not endorsed by any international organization as anticipated. Most of those interviewed felt the principles needed wider consultations and did not have the weight required to make significant changes. The project was not Africa-specific and African involvement was limited primarily to the launch in Ghana and the APEJ-SL. The principles and guidelines were global in scope, and were not tailored to Sierra Leone for the pilot. It also focused on general electoral integrity issues and lacked a clear focus on electoral justice and how specifically this could be achieved through the creation of a steering committee.

The overall purpose of the project was to address gender inequality and improve the situation of women’s rights in Azerbaijan. The establishment of the first Women’s Parliament (WP) – a symbolic model of alternative parliament with the focus on gender equality– served as a vehicle for achieving this goal. The Women’s Parliament was expected to result in four specific project outcomes: opening a discussion space for raising gender-specific issues; enhancing gender equality advocacy; strengthening civil society by facilitating women’s participation; raising awareness of national and international stakeholders on women’s issues. The direct beneficiaries of the project were members of the Women’s Parliament. Indirectly, the project aimed to benefit the female population of Azerbaijan.

The overall purpose of the project was to address gender inequality and improve the situation of women’s rights in Azerbaijan. The establishment of the first Women’s Parliament (WP) – a symbolic model of alternative parliament with the focus on gender equality– served as a vehicle for achieving this goal. The Women’s Parliament was expected to result in four specific project outcomes: opening a discussion space for raising gender-specific issues; enhancing gender equality advocacy; strengthening civil society by facilitating women’s participation; raising awareness of national and international stakeholders on women’s issues. The direct beneficiaries of the project were members of the Women’s Parliament. Indirectly, the project aimed to benefit the female population of Azerbaijan.

The project sought to strengthen policy processes in eight countries -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – by improving the capability of independent civil society organizations to engage in policy debates. Activities included two training workshops, two regional networking conferences, and supervised research during the course of which eight policy fellows produced research papers. The project promoted sharing of experiences among CSOs operating in often isolated and difficult settings. The project also allowed NGOs to benefit from the experience of NGOs in countries such as the Baltics and countries in Eastern Europe where CSOs were a positive force for democratic development.

The overall purpose of the project was to address gender inequality and improve the situation of women’s rights in Azerbaijan. The establishment of the first Women’s Parliament (WP) – a symbolic model of alternative parliament with the focus on gender equality– served as a vehicle for achieving this goal. The Women’s Parliament was expected to result in four specific project outcomes: opening a discussion space for raising gender-specific issues; enhancing gender equality advocacy; strengthening civil society by facilitating women’s participation; raising awareness of national and international stakeholders on women’s issues. The direct beneficiaries of the project were members of the Women’s Parliament. Indirectly, the project aimed to benefit the female population of Azerbaijan.

The project aimed to mobilize youth to participate in the presidential election, by reinforcing citizens’ and voters’ knowledge. The beneficiaries were young leaders of women’s and men’s associations from across Burkina Faso, aged 18 – 25, who were involved in and committed to civil society specific activities for the youth. Activities focused on education, training and sensitization and, subsequently, on the development of a group of young leaders that can relay information and training knowledge to members of youth organisations and to the youth of their villages. The project was firmly rooted in the socio-political and cultural context of Burkina Faso. The lack of participation of young citizens in successive elections is intrinsically linked with the lack of education, in particular citizens’ and voters’ education. In the context of a still male-dominated country, the identification of beneficiaries comprising both young men and women was also appropriate to address the political participation of women. The project was also coherent in that it covered the pre-electoral, electoral and post electoral periods.

At the time the project began, the process of ratifying the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance, adopted by the African Union in January 2007, was moribund and there was no international project activity to invigorate it. The objective of the project was to strengthen civil society actors to build a constituency for the signing and ratification of the Charter. At the time the project was proposed, 15 ratifications were needed to bring the Charter into force, two countries (Ethiopia and Mauritania) had ratified the Charter and twenty-five had signed it, thus indicating their intention to ratify. Assessing the impact of the project was not easy. The intended direct beneficiaries were members of the African democracy community, whose network and ability to advocate for the Charter were strengthened. It is not possible, based on the timetable of ratifications and project activities, to convincingly demonstrate that the project greatly accelerated the coming into force of the Charter. Only three countries in which activities were implemented actually ratified the Charter. The project objective was not ratification itself but rather strengthening the advocacy community and facilitating ratification yet achieving ratification in target countries was an implicit objective of the project Ultimately, the sustainability of the project activity will also be a function of political will. The project was born of policy elites, implemented by policy elites, delivered results of direct relevance only to policy elites, yet promises substantial benefits to all the people of Africa, who will benefit from democracy.